LIVE STREAMING

Clinton, the election, and our shameful history in Central America

The daily violence in Honduras — violence born of U.S. foreign policy in the 1980s with Alexander Haig in Ronald Reagan's administration and exacerbated in…

SHARE THIS CONTENT:

I'm saying this upfront: I never thought I'd hear presidential candidates in the 2016 electoral cycle refer to the U.S.-backed coup that toppled the democratically-elected president of Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz, in 1954. 

That dark deed, presumably undertaken to protect the U.S. business interests from Arbenz's planned land reforms, ushered in 30-plus years of repression, armed internal conflict, and ultimately the genocide of indigenous peoples in the small Central American country.  

That post-Arbenz Guatemala  —  authoritarian, tortured, a country where 200,000 would die and another 40,000 would be disappeared with impunity — is the Guatemala I grew up in.

So, needless to say, my attention was caught by the reference during the March 9 debate in Miami. Bernie Sanders was the one to bring it up (mentioned with other U.S.-backed interventions in Central America and Chile), in the context of explaining statements he made in 1985 on video praising some of the social gains made by Fidel Castro in Cuba.

Later Hillary Clinton would return to Sanders' comments, saying: "And I just want to add one thing to the question you were asking Senator Sanders. I think in that same interview, he praised what he called the revolution of values in Cuba and talked about how people were working for the common good, not for themselves. I just couldn't disagree more. You know, if the values are that you oppress people, you disappear people, you imprison people or even kill people for expressing their opinions, for expressing freedom of speech, that is not the kind of revolution of values that I ever want to see anywhere."

Sanders responded: "Well, as I said earlier, I don't believe it is the business of the United States government to be overthrowing small countries around the world."

It wasn't lost on me nor, I'm sure, the catrachos (Hondurans) in the United States listening to the debate, that Sanders was arguing with a politician who, as Secretary of State, may not have explicitly endorsed the coup that deposed Manuel Zelaya (the democratically-elected president of Honduras) in 2009, but who actively worked to thwart efforts to restore him to office and offered support to the coup regime. 

Via Clinton, the U.S. backed — reportedly at the behest of lobbyists and business interests, as in Guatemala in the '50s  — what has been brutally repressive leadership, and the result for Honduras has been dire. In the ensuing years Honduras has become one of the most murderous countries in the world.

"Hundreds of Hondurans (were) killed for speaking up since the June 28, 2009 military coup that deposed democratically-elected President Manuel Zelaya. Hundreds among the living have received threatening messages or are followed home by strangers in dark cars, and count their futures in days, not years," wrote The Nation's Dana Frank in 2012. "The Obama administration’s 'partnership' with the ongoing coup regime in Honduras is getting harder to defend every day — with every act of brutality against the opposition committed by the corrupt government and its allies." 

While Clinton told Julio Ricardo Varela at Latino USA that the claims of U.S. involvement are nonsense, news organizations from the Huffington Post to Al Jazeera to the Intercept have argued convincingly otherwise. 

And there is no doubt at all about U.S. involvement in the coup according to Honduran activists who opposed the regime change and have been viewed as the opposition ever since. In the 2014 video that heads this posting, environmental, indigenous and community activist Berta Cáceres (coordinator of COPINH, a Honduran council of civic indigenous and community organizations) speaks about U.S. intervention (minute 4:50) as a continuation of U.S. counterinsurgency efforts in the 1980s, and to shore up current mining interests. In minute 5:56, Cáceres talks specifically about the 2009 coup, and quotes Clinton's memoir (minute 6:14) to bolster her argument that Clinton did everything she could to keep Zelaya out of office. Cáceres traces a line between that support of those viewed as friendlier to U.S. business interests and the subsequent militarization and rampant fraud in Honduras. 

Cáceres was assassinated a mere three days before this Democratic debate, and shockingly, despite Clinton's state department gig and the Latino interviewers involved, no one at the debate thought to ask her about the lasting effects in Honduras of foreign policy choices she made for the Obama administration.

If you watch the above video interview with Cáceres until the end (caveat: it is entirely in Spanish), you will hear her respond to questions about her own safety and the safety of other environmental and community activists. While she admits to the specific threats activists, journalists and other high-profile folks have received, she makes clear that in Honduras everyone is at grave risk from the out-of-control violence. 

 

A circlet of foreign-policy fail

The violence in Central America in the past decade is attributed only in part to the culture of governmental impunity that lingers from the bloody Central American civil wars of the 1980s, that the Honduran coup reiterated. The other part is the wide proliferation of ultraviolent gangs — maras — which originated in the United States and were "deported" back to Central America in the 2000s.  
"Between 2000 and 2004," wrote Ana Arana in a 2005 report in Foreign Affairs, "an estimated 20,000 young Central American criminals, whose families had settled in the slums of Los Angeles in the 1980s after fleeing civil wars at home, were deported to countries they barely knew." The rest, as they say, is history, and very uncomfortable history, indeed, for us to contemplate. 
Then as now, Central Americans fleeing civil war and violence are rarely granted asylum in the U.S. (because how can we grant asylum from situations our own foreign policy creates or contributes to?) and instead are pushed into a shadow economy with little hope for integration into the greater whole.
The daily violence in Honduras that Cáceres referred to in her video — violence born of U.S. foreign policy in the 1980s with Alexander Haig in Ronald Reagan's administration and exacerbated in 2009 with Hillary Clinton in President Obama's administration — has been the reason so many children (alone, or accompanied by their mothers) have fled to the United States in recent years.
The fate of those Central American child immigrants or unaccompanied minors (who also include Salvadorans, and in lesser number, Guatemalans) was also part of the debate on Wednesday. Clinton had initially taken a stand on the deportation of the Central American children that was substantially more "hawkish" than those of Sanders, or Martin O'Malley (the third Democratic candidate, who dropped out of the race in February) but during the debate, moderator Jorge Ramos from Univision managed to exact an assertion from her that if elected she would not deport children.
I would like to believe her. But in an electoral race where Clinton has positioned herself as the Latino choice (and Latinos who don't fall in step are relentlessly shamed for their naivete or stubborness), the circlet of foreign policy fail can't be so easily dismissed.
Nor should it be.
Cuban-Americans (the third largest Latino demographic in the U.S. at 1.986 million, according to Pew Research) have been a key part of the Latino electorate for the Republican Party. Central Americans are poised to be an equally key part of the Latino electorate in the near future: There are 1.975 million Salvadorans in the United States, 1.3 million Guatemalans and 791,000 Hondurans. Thirty-one percent of those Salvadorans are U.S. citizens; 24 percent of the Guatemalans are U.S. citizens; and 21 percent of Hondurans are U.S. citizens.
Which party they will vote for now, or when they reach voting age, is up in the air, but one thing is certain — it will not be for anyone or any party that closes its eyes to our shameful legacy in Central America.
Updated at 3:14 p.m. to include attribution.
 

Subscribe to Thoughts, Provoked. AL DÍA's must-read, weekly Op-Ed newsletter

* indicates required



TAGS
  • LEAVE A COMMENT:

  • Join the discussion! Leave a comment.

  • or
  • REGISTER
  • to comment.
  • LEAVE A COMMENT:

  • Join the discussion! Leave a comment.

  • or
  • REGISTER
  • to comment.