WASHINGTON, D.C.—On a day he called the “proudest” of his life, Luis Gutiérrez broke the seal again on the can of worms known as immigration reform.

The Illinois Democrat has spent much of his 16 years as a member of Congress trying to create a path to citizenship for the 12 million undocumented immigrants that live in the United States. In his latest attempt, he introduced the Comprehensive Immigration Reform for America’s Security and Prosperity Act (CIR ASAP) on Dec. 15 to a packed house of supporters and press at the Rayburn House Office Building.

“This time it’s different,” Gutiérrez said in between cheers. “Look at this mosaic (of cosponsors), this is the most we have ever had.”

He was referring to his and others’ previous attempts at immigration legislation, all of which have failed. “Preisdent Obama owes us and now is the time to collect,” he added.

With 91 cosponsors, Gutiérrez has reason to be optimistic. But with the country in the midst of a heated health care debate and a fledgling economic recovery, critics of the bill have questioned the timing and anti-immigration groups have begun moving in anticipation of a heated battle come 2010.

"The backlash on this bill is going to dwarf the rancor and contentiousness of the healthcare debate and for good reason,” said William Gheen, of Americans for Legal Immigration PAC. "People feel shocked and completely betrayed that any elected official would propose legalizing illegal immigrants, stopping local police from enforcing immigration law, and stopping increased border security when we have over 15 million Americans out of work.”

Yet, groups like Gheen’s are “far from the mainstream,” says Clarissa Martínez, director of Immigration and National Campaigns for the National Council of La Raza. According to Martínez, this is a perfect time for immigration reform.

According to the Pew Research Center, 63 percent of the U.S. population favors a path to citizenship bill, though more than 70 percent feel that the U.S. needs to limit the number of new immigrants.

Angie Kelley, vice president for Immigration Policy and Advocacy at the Center for American Progress, notes that there are sound economic reasons behind passing the bill. The non-partisan Congressional Budget Office’s analysis of the 2006 attempt at reform estimated $66 billion in tax revenue over a 10 year period.

Still, groups like the Federation for American Immigration Reform, argue that “Congress has a responsibility to ensure that available jobs are filled by legal workers” not those that “have broken the law.”

Gutiérrez and his coalition have been preparing for this battle ever since Obama’s election. The Chicago-born Puerto Rican began his Familias Unidas tour in late 2008, visiting communities all across the country to build support for his bill. He has amassed a coalition of clergymen from all denominations, civil rights, labor and advocacy groups.

Though his critics have argued that organizing and legislating are not the same thing, Gutiérrez maintains that immigration reform needs the grassroots push. For his tour he hired professional organizers that carefully picked the cities and the special guest speakers that have sometimes included children torn away from their parents and widows of U.S. servicemen. 

Gutiérrez has also worked closely with his fellow legislators in crafting the bill, that has gained the support of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, Hispanic Caucus, Asian Pacific Caucus, Black Caucus and even the conservative Blue Dog Caucus that almost derailed the health care bill in the House. No Republicans have signed on yet, but Gutiérrez says he expects bipartisan support even in this highly-divided Congress.

According to Kelly, “This may be the only issue of 2010 that gets bipartisan support.” She also point out that historically Republicans have supported immigration reform.

Another strategy in getting the bill passed is letting the Senate — where Republicans have expressed support for immigration reform — take the lead. Gutiérrez’s plan includes waiting for Sen. Chuck Shummer (D-N.Y.) to introduce the Senate’s version of the bill in February and also for the Senate to vote on the matter. He believes doing so would put pressure on the House to act.